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Paul McCartney's Nightclub Rejection, An Inspiring Moment of Failure

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Little video doing the rounds of Paul McCartney off of The Beatles being turned away at the door of Tyga's Grammys afterparty. It's a TMZ video, so just know that before you watch it, and I'm going to be honest: I hate the cameraman responsible for it with my life. I want this fool to go to prison for his commentary. This man needs to be sent back to school and taught how to communicate with humans again. You are a parody of a human, unknown cameraman, you are possibly the worst man currently alive, and I include despots in that list, I always include despots:


I mean, can you hear him? Can you hear this guy? "What's your favourite Rolling Stones song?" he says, and Paul McCartney just looks at him. I can hear this man's shit-eating grin. I can audibly hear it. I can detect his facial expression with my ears. You just—

We will get to Paul McCartney anon.

— you just, it's just: you know the cameraman responsible for this had three thoughts going on in a loop in his head while this was filming, and they were:

i. "I am definitely going to be able to sell this video to TMZ, so I should mentally start spending the money now. I am going to spend this money on new wheels for my car. I am absolutely not going to spend this money wisely, at all."

ii. "This question about the Rolling Stones is very funny and original and Paul McCartney has never heard this question before. I am a good and funny person and I definitely not should be shot in the head until I am killed."

iii. "This video is going to go viral, and as a result of that I should be as obnoxious as it is possible to be out loud. I should sound like an alien making an impression of human bewilderment. I should sound as much as possible like the kind of person who, instead of laughing, actually says 'LMAO'. Because that is who I am. That is the person I was born to be."

But hey! We're here to have fun today! At Paul McCartney's expense!

On MUNCHIES: Meet the 63-Year-Old Auntie Making Glasgow's Favourite Samosas

Paul McCartney is a thousand-year-old man with a successful line of vegetarian sausages and was also in a band once called The Beatles. He did some solo work, too, and the Frog Chorus, and now he has spent the last ten or so years pushing the very fucking limit of acceptable men's hairstyles and clapping slightly out of time in various activism videos that seem like a really good idea at the time but actually, as it turns out, were not a very good idea at all. Like, look:

The desperation, the urgency, of the words, "you can do it right now please." Look into those eyes and tell me that is a man not held captive by fame, a prisoner just needing to be let out. That developing this brand of vegetarian anti-patter is actually a deep howling cry for help. Please, Christ, please. Please pledge not to eat meat on Mondays. Please, please. Paul McCartney is dying in there. He needs this.

But so to the nightclub, where Paul McCartney is turned away, the moment Paul McCartney finally crosses over and touches his fingertips through the void and becomes – even if only briefly, even for a moment – human, in the same way that you are human, in the same way as me. Paul McCartney is made of the same blood and bones and flesh as all of us, he's just better at making music and having the same sad, tired eyelids of a dying dog than we are, and that makes him an icon. But when he gets turned away from Tyga's party with Beck and the drummer out of the Foo Fighters, he is saying: I know your struggles. He is saying: I am one of you. I have always been one of you.

On NOISEY: The Grammys Sucked – Is Pop Music Stuck in Neutral?

We have all been turned away from a nightclub. Anyone who has not been asked to leave a nightclub hasn't lived. Anyone who has not walked away from a nightclub calling a bouncer a "prick" – not loud enough that the bouncer will hear you and do a little tight-trousered bouncer run at you and attack you from behind and break the vertebrae in your neck, but loud enough to make you feel good, to make a point, maybe you will kick an errant Coke can while you say "prick" to disguise the word but not the sentiment – anyone who has done that has not, in my opinion, truly taken advantage of their whirl around the sun.

You might say: this is an embarrassing moment in Paul McCartney's life, documented and filed in the library of the internet for the ages. When we Google Paul McCartney in a thousand years' time, will we remember his work with the Beatles, his activism, his solo work? Probably not. We'll remember that time he, a 73-year-old man who really doesn't need to impress anyone anymore, got turned away from a Grammy party hosted by – of all the people in the world to host Grammy parties to get turned away from – Tyga, while some TMZ douche flatly says, "They won't let you in? What!" That this is his legacy, and it is an unfair one.

But in a way, McCartney's folly is a message of hope, a message of solidarity with a youth he is spiralling ever further away from. Even Paul McCartney can get turned away from a nightclub. Bear that in mind next time a bouncer looks at your shoes, ushers a few lads in trainers in past you, then tells you the place is full. Next time a bouncer has you and the girls shivering in the cold for an hour just to tell you there's a private party tonight and the cover fee has trebled. You are Paul McCartney, and Paul McCartney is you. You haven't failed, you haven't faltered. Paul McCartney can't even get into a party hosted by Tyga. It's the system that is broken, not you. All bouncers are bastards, and even professional vegetable-liker and knight of the realm Paul McCartney isn't safe from them. Every time you get turned away from an ID-only Wetherspoons, you are one step closer to becoming an icon.

@joelgolby

More stuff from VICE, mainly pro-bouncer propaganda tbqh:

A London Nightclub Bouncer Explains Himself

Strip Club Bouncers Have Feelings Too

They're Not All Meathead Wankers: In Defence of Britain's Battered Bouncers



A NSW Court Has Provided a New Defence for Drug Driving

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A NSW Police random drug testing unit. Image via.

In June last year, Joseph Carrall was pulled over by the NSW police and saliva tested for drugs. The police detected marijuana in his system but Carrall claims he hadn't smoked weed in nine days. Allegedly he was also following the advice of a police officer, who'd told him a week would be sufficient.

The case ended up at the Magistrate's Court where earlier this month, Lismore magistrate David Heilpern found Carrall not guilty of drug driving. It was decided Carrall had made an " honest and reasonable mistake of fact."

For the state of NSW, which is taking a hard-line approach to roadside drug testing, this finding has set a very inconvenient precedent.

The campaign began in November last year. This was when the NSW Government announced it would triple the number of roadside drug tests by 2017. However, this intensification of testing had already begun months before in the north of the state, where Carrall is from.

The marketing for drug testing resembles that of breath testing for alcohol, but with a very significant difference. When monitoring drink driving, police are testing for driver impairment. Whereas drug driver tests—focused on cannabis, MDMA, and amphetamines—aim to detect tiny trace elements, instead of intoxication. So if a driver's ability to operate a vehicle is not being scrutinised, what's roadside drug testing all about?

"It's an ideological war against three illegal drugs," says NSW Greens MLC David Shoebridge, who believes the testing illogically targets marijuana users. If police were serious about public safety, he says, they'd also focus on cocaine, which significantly contributes to road trauma but currently isn't being tested for.

Cocaine use in Australia is currently at its highest level yet. The 2013 National Drug Strategy Household Survey outlines that while cocaine use has been on the rise since 2004, use of the three substances police are actually targeting has decreased. Authorities are not testing for prescription benzodiazepines and painkillers either, both of which are some of the drugs that most heavily impair driving.

Last week, Shoebridge paid a visit to the epicentre of the police roadside drug testing blitz: the Northern Rivers region of NSW. At Lismore court, he found 46 cases—or a third of all to be heard that day—were drug driving matters. "And not in a single one of those cases did police put forward a shred of evidence that any driver was impaired," Shoebridge recalled.

On the NSW north coast thousands of locals are losing their licences due to having substances in their systems that, like Carrall, many claim were consumed days before driving. Shoebridge subsequently believes there's a "desperate lack of information being given by the government." Locals want to know how long they should wait "between consuming cannabis and getting behind the wheel of a car," he explained. "Individual police are telling them it's seven days. And then we've got roads minister Duncan Gay making comments it's 12 hours."

VICE asked NSW police how long they recommend waiting to drive after taking these drugs. They directed us to a NSW Centre for Road Safety Facebook post and said they would "not be making any further comments."

The post explained that THC is "typically" detectable in saliva for up to 12 hours after consumption. But a chronic user could test positive for up to one to two days later. On the centre's website it outlines that stimulants, specifically speed, ice, and pills, can be "typically detected for one to two days."

According to Steve Bolt, Carrall's lawyer, the government's timeframes are a game changer for those on drug driving charges. In his view, if they're aware of the government's 12-hour rule, they'll "have a strong argument to put to the court that they had an honest and reasonable belief that they were not committing an offence."

The law states that to drive under the influence of drugs is illegal, regardless of the time limit. Before Joseph Carrall's case defendants would have to plead guilty and ask for leniency. But now, if people can prove they had a reasonable belief these substances would not show up in their system, there's a good case for acquittal.

Roadside drug testing was introduced in NSW in 2007. But it's not unique, Victoria was the first state to implement a similar program in 2004. And the rest of the country has followed suit, with the Northern Territory introducing the testing for all vehicles last month.

But Australia is a nation on the verge of embracing medical marijuana. Last week, the Federal Government introduced a bill, expected to pass this session, which will allow for legal cultivation and distribution. So questions are arising as to how a nationwide system of roadside drug testing, which specifically targets weed, and a regulated medicinal cannabis market can coexist.

Concerningly Shoebridge admits "there's been no suggestion from anybody in the NSW government that there will be any leniency on roadside drug tests for individuals who are on medicinal cannabis."

Follow Paul on Twitter.

Three Sad White People Gathered in the Rain to Protest Beyoncé

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Ariel Kohane, an anti-Beyoncé protester debating with counter-protesters at the Anti-Beyoncé Protest Rally in New York. Kohane is a volunteer in Ted Cruz's presidential campaign. All photos by the author

Yesterday's planned anti-Beyoncé protest in front of NFL headquarters in New York ended up becoming a punchline. Three lonely protesters stood in the rain, severely outnumbered by reporters, police, and anti-anti-Beyoncé protesters. The event was organised by a group called Proud of the Blues, which alleged that Beyoncé's Super Bowl halftime performance of "Formation"—which featured Black Panther imagery that complemented the song's pro-black themes—was anti-law enforcement.

At the protest's scheduled start time of 8 AM, a group of about three dozen Beyoncé supporters arrived in front of the headquarters at the corner of Park Avenue and East 52nd Street. Waiting for them were about a dozen police officers and a gaggle of news reporters, from venues ranging from NBC to the Guardian to theCut. None of the Proud of the Blues' 1,700 Twitter followers were there. In fact, there are signs now that the Proud of the Blues organisation, and the "Anti-Beyoncé Protest Rally," might've been a hoax.

There is no direct contact information to any of Proud of the Blues' accounts, and, as The Daily Beast notes, the organisation got its name after the protest was added to Eventbrite by an "unnamed organiser." Still, part of what made Proud of the Blues's existence believable was how it shared certain arch conservatives' outrage. Shortly after the performance, the Blaze's Tomi Lahren infamously accused Beyoncé of race-baiting and went after her husband Jay Z, saying, "For 14 years, he sold crack cocaine." Former New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani, who's gained notoriety for his racist views on African American crime, slammed the Super Bowl performance as " outrageous."

Although some counter-protestors were obviously Beyoncé fans, their messages were centred on the rights of all African Americans. One protester held a sign bearing the names of women and girls killed by police. Another's sign read, "PRO BLACK IS NOT ANTI WHITE." Both posters featured black-and-gold colouring, a reference to Beyoncé's Super Bowl outfit.

"It's not like we're super Beyoncé fans," explained counter-protester Khadija Amon-ra. "We're super black pride." Amon-ra viewed the anti-Beyoncé supporters as less against the entertainer specifically, and more against the entire idea of African-American women asserting themselves in society. "They want people of colour to stay in their place in this country," Amon-ra said.

A Beyoncé supporter and Tim Winterhalter

If Proud of the Blues' anti-Bey sentiments were a joke, the three protesters who showed up after 9 AM weren't in on it. Tim Winterhalter, a heavy-set, middle-aged white man in a Giants jacket, believed the Super Bowl was not the place for Beyoncé's message.

"It just came across to me that it was a political statement, which is fine, everybody has that," Winterhalter said. "But this is a football game. Let's just keep it a sports game."

Ariel Kohane, a 44-year-old man wearing a grey suit and an American flag yamurkle, held two paper signs, including a green one that read, "Cops are worth more than 1% per year," an apparent reference to the state arbitrator who recently recommended a 1% pay increase for NYPD officers.

"The problem is what she said about police officers," complained Kohane, who identified himself as a volunteer for Ted Cruz's presidential campaign. But when pressed by protestors about what exactly Beyoncé said about police he so disagreed with, he replied: "Well, if she didn't say that then why would I ?"

Three Beyoncé supporters

Twenty-five-year-old student April Bedunah was the last of the three anti-Bey protestors to arrive, sporting a Seahawks jersey and winter hat with the words "POLICE" stitched in gold lettering. "It's sickening," she told the Guardian. "It's making people hate each other. She could have talked about anything else rather than trying to make people mad. And look what it caused. These people should be at work! I should be at school right now," Bedunah said.

Time and time again, the three protesters confused Beyoncé supporters. The two men never saw the Super Bowl performance in full, and Bedunah seemed to know little about the Black Panther movement. When asked, Kohane wasn't able to name a Beyoncé lyric that offended him. The conversations played out like a kind of black satire: White people angry about something, but not quite sure about what.

Bedunah's voice broke when she spoke about having a black son and friends who are police officers. She was the last anti-Beyoncé protester the pro-Bey crowd confronted.

A Beyoncé supporter

"Have you heard about any white cops in the past five years getting indicted for the murder of a black person?" Tajh Sutton, a 27-year-old Beyoncé supporter, asked her.

"I respect what you say, and I do think that you have a wonderful voice," said Bedunah, trying to restore goodwill while still avoiding the question.

A little later, Kohane gently tapped Bedunah from behind to explain that he, too, was an anti-Beyoncé protester. She ignored him to again face the black crowd, leaving Kohane to piece together his paper signs, which had been torn into wet halves by the rain.

Follow Brian on Twitter.

The VICE Guide to Right Now: An ​Outlaw Bikie Has Been Charged for Torching Kittens Strip Club

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An explosion destroyed Kittens in Caulfield South on Tuesday morning. Image via

Mark Ahern, 31, has been arrested over the Tuesday morning attack on Kittens strip club in Caulfield South.

Ahern, who is being described as an associate of the Comancheros motorcycle club, faced the Melbourne Magistrates' Court today on five counts, including criminal damage, endangering life, and handling stolen goods. He was also charged with possessing a prohibited weapon after police found a knuckleduster at his Berwick home.

Fresh blood at the scene and CCTV footage of Ahern near the Caulfield South strip club before the attack led police to him. His lawyer didn't seek bail today but told the court his client would need medical treatment for injuries he'd sustained in a bike accident over the weekend.

VICE has unconfirmed reports that Mark Ahern is the same man who was jailed for six months for the 2011 drive-by shooting of Mordialloc MP Lorraine Wreford, over an alleged $5000 drug debt owed by Wreford's son. A pump-action rifle was used during the attack to fire eight bullets into the MPs home and car.

On Tuesday morning around 3 AM a suspicious explosion set Kittens ablaze, necessitating the evacuation of nearby residents. Police believe the attackers broke in through the strip club's roof and started the fire in the kitchen. A white BMW, seen speeding from the scene, was later found burned out and abandoned in Hallam.

Phone footage of the burning BMW in Hallam. Image via

It was the third time since November 2015 that Kittens clubs have been hit. Kittens' South Melbourne club was targeted with drive-by shootings in November last year, and again in January this year. Police suspect the strip club has been caught in the crossfire of an 18-month war between the Comancheros bikie gang and security contractors.

VICE spoke with a club insider who confirmed a long-running feud between the Comancheros and Kittens' security company, owned by Clay Auimatagi. Comancheros boss Mick Murray, who now owns a gym in Hallam called Nitro Gym, once owned a security company called Nitro Security. Another Comancheros member, Robert Morando, also owns a security company called Ultimate Crowd Control Pty Ltd.

As the insider source told VICE, just after Auimatagi won the contract with Kittens in September last year he was injured in a drive-by shooting outside his gym in Narre Warren. A few weeks later, Morando was shot in Narre Warren.

Kittens has now contracted Guardia Australia to handle its club security, owned by former Hobsons Bay City Council mayor Michael Raffoul. The company is known to hire ex-military members for armed security, and also offers K-9 dog squad services.

Ahern will face court again on 9 June.

Photos of Tasmania’s Sad, Burned Out Wilderness

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All photos by Rob Blakers and Greenpeace

On January 13 a series of dry storms passed over Tasmania, setting fire to the state's north west with lightning strikes. These spot fires smouldered through some 73,000 hectares of alpine vegetation and temperate rainforest, a lot of which will come back slowly, or not at all.

Much of Tasmania's World Heritage area is too wet and high-altitude to burn, allowing plant species to evolve without fire. While these conditions have helped to create distinctive forests, they've also left the place vulnerable to climate change.

In the past weeks there's been a lot of blame levelled at climate change. Of course climate change is the sort of insidious threat that can't be held definitively responsible, but there were a few factors that make it a suspect. Firstly, springs and summers in the Southern Hemisphere are becoming warmer earlier, allowing peat and forest landscapes to dry out. And then storms are becoming more common, providing a source of ignition.

Tasmania's forests are precious because they evolved in isolation, unaffected by settlement until recently. The heritage area's 1.6 million hectares contains some of the oldest living plants on earth, as well as some of the tallest, along with some of the deepest caves in the country. Then there are hundreds of archaeological sites, many holding evidence of how Indigenous people lived through the last ice age.

For scientists and conservationists, these photos depict a journey towards an extremely sad future.

This Porn-y 70s Film Is a Mind-Melting Head Trip About a Witch and a Tiny Talking Penis

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All stills from 'Belladonna of Sadness.' Courtesy of Cinelicious Pics

The 1970s were perhaps the grossest chapter of recorded time, an era wherein the previous decade's flower power rotted on the vine and a politically engaged, protest-minded youth culture dissolved into an atmosphere of distinctly hostile decadence. By the time The Joy of Sex, with its illustrations of hairy fornicators, arrived on shelves in '72, sexual freedom had more or less given way to wanton Henry Miller–esque rutting. But for all its prurience, the decade that gave us Deep Throat, Hustler, and Plato's Retreat was also the last time when widespread experimentation dominated the mainstream in every corner of the arts, from the creator-driven films of the New Hollywood and rock 'n' roll's enshrinement of the drug culture in the popular imagination to the spectacle of perfectly normal people reading Gravity's Rainbow. It was also the golden age of cartoon sexuality: Adult animator Ralph Bakshi followed the success of the X-rated Fritz the Cat with burned-out, bell-bottomed exercises in hand-drawn hallucination like Coonskin and Wizards, and the magazine Heavy Metal cornered the market for large-bosomed women riding dragons and beating the shit out of pervy robots.

But the greatest legacy of the 1970s vogue for melding Saturday morning cartoons with Saturday Night Fever was in Japan, where anime succeeded the pornographic "pink film" in marrying transgressive and—especially in the case of hentai—graphic sexual content with eye-popping psychedelic excess. The genre's first masterpiece was Belladonna of Sadness (Kanashimi no Beradonna), a film that has a visual style so sui generis that I can only compare it to Sesame Street if Sesame Street were, as my paternal grandmother believed, a recruiting film for LSD-addled freakazoids and the Church of Satan.

Watch an exclusive trailer of Belladonna of Sadness:

When Belladonna of Sadness was originally released in 1973, it immediately bankrupted its studio, Mushi Production. Mushi had been founded in the early 60s by manga artist Osamu Tezuka, the creator of Astro Boy and Unico, and its style was largely responsible for establishing the frenetic big-eyes-small-mouth aesthetic of anime. But Belladonna actually has more in common visually with Aubrey Beardsley, Yellow Submarine, and the Tarot-card-looking output of the illustrator Kay Nielson. It's like Bakshi at his trippiest. But here I am talking like this is not a film that features a long scene of flora and fauna—giraffes, crocodiles, orange trees, you name it—emerging from people's orifices like something out of a Boschean Hanna Barbara, and, reader, that is precisely what I'm talking about.

The plot concerns a purple-haired witch named Jeanne and her seduction by the devil, inexplicably disguised as a little talking penis, who grants her supernatural powers. The remaining story line, if you can call it that, largely consists of Jeanne's arcane revenge on the nobles responsible for her violent sexual assault (in a ghastly early sequence that's made even more uncomfortable by her attacker's striking resemblance to Hordak from the old She-Ra cartoons). The film is a Joan of Arc pastiche, a musical, an exploitation picture, and a pornographic movie—but what it really is is an excuse for a breathtaking series of montages where a singing, dancing Black Death melts faces into skulls, kaleidoscopic specters of pop-art Americana signify the consummation of Jeanne's pact with the Evil One, and an assortment of infernal penises perform vicissitudes previously undreamt by any human penis, which is perhaps the greatest contribution an animation studio has made to creative physiology since Cab Calloway serenaded Betty Boop in Minnie the Moocher.

Even with so much stylized pandemonium, it can be hard to overlook how frequently Belladonna staggers over the line between transgressive pop-porn and the kind of outright misogyny that mars so many otherwise righteous female-driven revenge narratives. Still, given Jeanne's uncompromising ownership of her profane desires and independence from her milquetoast husband, it was miles more progressive than anything coming out of the West in 1972. The film's montages are bookended by still-life illustrations that resemble art-brut storyboards over which the dialogue is spoken. These episodes, with their curiously unfinished and sketchy figuration of witches and warlocks—like if Egon Schiele drew an edition of The Dungeon Master's Guide—aren't exactly the highlight of the film, but no worse than the old herky-jerky Marvel cartoons from the 60s. And anyway, the second half of the film is largely given over to the psychosexual exploits of Jeanne and her devil friend, who even in his final form retains a phallic hairdo and tells Jeanne, "You are even more beautiful than God," which I think is an awfully sweet thing to say.

Belladonna of Sadness is deserving of a place in the cultural memory because it marks the moment when the Times Square porn groove met manga cuteness, and because it happens to function as an omnibus of 20th century modes, including that of the Impressionist watercolor, the fuzzy Kandinsky-esque geometric dissolve, and the prog-rock album sleeve. It is also clear from some of the dialogue ("Ignoring status is against God! The work of the devil!") that the acceleration of Japanese pop culture was imminent, making Belladonna as much a social document as a benchmark in visual storytelling. And Cinelicious's gorgeous restoration from 35mm and subsequent North American release means that it is destined to take its place in the personal mythos of the retro-fetishist, high-trash, obscurist, art-creep demographic alongside recent rediscoveries like Holy Mountain, Possession, and Hausu.

In other words, Belladonna of Sadness is an answer to the prayers of those whose taste in film has evolved to the point where it echoes Jeanne's rejoinder to Satan, when he asks what she wants to do with her newfound energies: "Anything... so long as it's bad." Caligula would've wept.

J. W. McCormack is a writer whose work has appeared in Bookforum, the Brooklyn Rail, Tin House, the New Inquiry, n+1, Publisher's Weekly, and Conjunctions.

Cinelicious Pics' restored Belladonna of Sadness will screen on May 6 at Metrograph and Alamo Drafthouse in New York and San Francisco, respectively, and May 13 at the Cinefamily in Los Angeles.

So Sad Today: One Girl, Six Shrinks

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Illustrations by Joel Benjamin

It's the day we spend 20 minutes talking about Anderson Cooper and Kathy Griffin that I realize I can no longer afford my therapist. She doesn't take my insurance, and the cost is like a monthly payment on a luxury car. This is a different kind of breakup than I've ever had with a healthcare professional. I don't leave for lack of love. It isn't her. It's Blue Shield.

Now I look back upon our 50-minute sessions with euphoric recall. The beautiful boundaries we set: work boundaries, parental boundaries, sex boundaries. Granted, I never actually upheld any of those boundaries, but the inspiration was there. Most of all I miss her modality: Cognitive Behavioral Therapy combined with mindfulness, which did more in nine months to help me with my anxiety disorder than over a decade of psychodynamic therapy. I'd been in many long-term therapist-patient relationships, but it was never this good.

I approach the Psychology Today therapist finder as one might approach Tinder for the first time: nervous, excited, fantasizing about all of the hot possibilities for "doing the work." Yet my eagerness is quickly squashed by what I find. Have any of these therapists ever used the internet? How can I respect someone with an Earthlink email address? Many of them ask vague, open-ended questions: Not sleeping well or sleeping too much? Feeling depressed or anxious? A few of them are making duckface.

Like Tinder, the mediocre ones start to look good compared to the disasters. There's one therapist who seems like she has what I want: an anxiety specialist, well-educated, takes my insurance. I immediately position her as the therapy It Girl, a must-have. What if I don't get her? I must get her! I set out crafting the perfect email: one that depicts me as fucked-up yet also a real pleasure. She doesn't respond.

Of course, it's always the ones you don't want who want you. Dozens of responses from the Earthlink therapists come flooding in. One woman, we'll call her Therapist #1, has a crazy amount of availability. Like, every day of the week is free. Sorry, but you should at least play a little hard to get. I don't trust that she isn't desperate. But I'm kind of desperate too.

I schedule a session with her and it goes OK. She's compassionate, but definitely too deep in the let's-talk-about-Mommy game for me. Perhaps I am just comparing her to Judy. It's like when you get out of a relationship and your first new fuck is just mediocre. You just want to go running back to that last relationship. I try to remember that Judy wasn't perfect either. One time she even quoted ee cummings.

Therapist #2 doesn't give a shit about my childhood, which is a great sign. Also, her office is three minutes from my house so I try to make myself like her. But halfway through the session I notice that she has a dark hair-dye stain across the front of her scalp and forehead. I try to ignore the stain. Yet I feel like the stain is talking to me.

"Can you accept life advice from someone who can't figure out Clairol?" says the stain.

"Is that what this is really about?" I ask.

"I suggest you move on," says the stain.

I've never had an easy time breaking up with therapists, in part because they don't readily accept the ol' "it's just not working for me." They always want to process the breakup over the course of multiple sessions. You spend more time breaking up than you did working together. But with therapists #1 and #2 it's very easy, because it's less of a breakup and more of a not scheduling a second date. It's basically just swiping left. I start to think that maybe it's better to never commit to a therapist. Could I just see a different therapist every week for the rest of my life?

Therapist #3 has a good vibe—no hair dye issues, and she wears Dansko clogs, which is a good sign. Dansko clogs say, I am comfortable with myself and with my life. I prioritize myself and my own well-being over looking hot for others. I vote Green Party.

Unfortunately, Therapist #3's skill set stops at the clogs. She encourages me to do some "breathing work" around my panic attacks. Sorry, but no. There is nothing worse for a panic attack than focusing on the breathing. The more I pay attention to my breathing the more convinced I am that I'm suffocating. You have to ignore the breathing.

Therapist #4 is actually pretty great. She does a hybrid of CBT, mindfulness, and something she calls psycho-education. In a mere 45 minutes she makes it clear that I have no idea what any of my emotions are. The physical sensations I always interpret as "dying" are misplaced emotions. But do I want to feel my emotions? Fuck no. Also, now I'm really enjoying being single and playing the therapist field. I'm not ready to commit.

I arrive at Therapist #5's office sweating, having just self-flagellated myself by running for 45 minutes in the hot California sun.

"Oh," she says. "Did you just come from a run? That is such amazing self-care! Way to be kind to yourself! Good for you!"

Clearly this therapist has somehow never encountered eating disorders, body dysmorphia, or compulsive exercise. Doesn't she know anything? I don't run to be kind to myself. I run because I'm terrified. I imagine a relationship with this therapist in which she co-signs all my bullshit. I'd probably be dead in three months. Thanks, but I can do that myself.

Then, out of nowhere the It Girl therapist contacts me. It's like she senses all my dates—how popular I am—and now she wants a piece! But I wonder if it is too late for us to begin a real romance. How special can she be? In a sea of 50-minute appointments, all the therapists start to blend together. It's depressing, actually. I'd like to believe my therapist has special powers. But when I see how many of them there are, they just become a crowd of humans. It reminds me that no one knows the answer any more than I do.

What's also illuminating is how never-ending the therapeutic road can be. Like, I always start therapy with the hope of accomplishing a particular goal. Things begin so tangibly. But is there ever really an end? I could do a different kind of work with a different kind of therapist every day and there would probably never be a terminus. Where am I trying to get?

I suppose the end is not really the point. I guess you never get to that mystical place where everything is OK forever. It's always the hope when starting a new relationship that I am finally on my way—that this is it this time! But whether in love or therapy, it's annoying that no one else can fix me.

Follow So Sad Today on Twitter.

Indian Students Are Protesting for Their Right to Speak Against the Government

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Shehla Rashid, vice president of Jawaharlal Nehru University's student union, with other protesters. All photos by Daniel Oberhaus

Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) was eerily deserted as I passed the police barricades at its gates earlier this week. Over the weekend, thousands of demonstrators had converged at the university in South New Delhi to protest the arrest of the school's student union president, Kanhaiya Kumar, but on Monday, the school seemed quiet.

Kumar was arrested last Friday, after organizing a meeting to criticize the "judicial killing" of Afzal Guru, a Kashmiri man who was convicted of masterminding the terror attacks on India's Parliament in 2001 (his conviction is contested). Members of JNU's right-wing student organization Akhil Bharatiya Vidhyarthi Parishad (ABVP) tried to stop the meeting. When that failed, some students claim the group showed up to intimidate participants in the meeting, who responded by voicing what authorities have characterized as anti-national slogans.

These "anti-national" remarks were used as grounds for the university to ban eight JNU students from all academic activity, pending a disciplinary hearing. Kumar, who was arrested by Delhi police and was charged with sedition, the crime of inciting rebellion against the government, has been held without bail since Friday.

Earlier this week, the student union called for a student strike, which is meant to last until authorities have guaranteed Kumar's unconditional release. Protestors say the fight for Kumar's release has taken on larger symbolic dimensions, calling into question the tactics used by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India's ruling Hindu nationalist party, and its student wing, the ABVP, to stifle intellectual dissent in the country. Their fight has drawn international attention, including a letter of support from a number of leading academics, including Noam Chomsky and Judith Butler.

While most of the campus was quiet on Monday from the strike, I found several hundred protestors gathered on the steps of the JNU administration building, where student union vice president Shehla Rashid addressed the crowd.

"An atmosphere of fear has been created on the campus," Rashid told supporters. "Any institutional process or enquiry has to be conducted in an atmosphere that ensures safety and dignity for the students. The students cannot present their case in an situation where they have been already debarred, where they've already been branded and demonized."

India's sedition law, which is now being used against Kumar, was originally instituted under the British Raj in 1860 and was used to imprison Mahatma Gandhi for six years after he wrote magazine articles critiquing British rule in India. More recently, the Indian authorities have used it to charge people who failed to stand during the national anthem and people who protested a nuclear power plant.

Kumar denies he made any of the remarks he was arrested for, telling a court this week that "I dissociate myself from slogans that were shouted during the event," according to The Indian Express. But several government officials support his arrest under the sedition law. India's Home Minister Rajnath Singh, for example, told reporters last week that "if anyone raises anti-India slogans, tries to raise questions on the country's unity and integrity, they will not be spared. Stringent action will be taken against them." Similarly, India's Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani said that the nation "will never tolerate an insult to Mother India." Both politicians are members of the BJP.

The party, which came to power after Narendra Modi was elected prime minister in 2014, has been criticized by the student protestors for using its student wing, the ABVP, to stomp out opposition on campuses. Protestors who visited the courthouse where Kumar was scheduled to appear on Monday told me they saw more evidence of these tactics: They were promptly ejected and physically harassed by lawyers.

"What we saw at who've taken oaths to defend the constitution of this country behaved like storm troopers of a fascist government."

Similar incidents at other Indian universities have buoyed the suspicion that intellectual discourse and dissent are under attack. Last month, the ABVP at Allahabad University threatened violence against the speaker at a panel on "Democracy, the Media, and Freedom of Expression" on the basis that he was "anti-national." In July, members of the ABVP at Hyderabad University alleged that they were attacked by members of Ambedkar Students Association, a group representing the Dalit, or "untouchable," caste. Those allegations led to the suspension of five members of the ASA, one of whom later committed suicide.

For now, Kumar's fate remains uncertain. When he reappeared in court Wednesday, he was ordered to be held in judicial custody until March 2. If Kumar is ultimately found guilty of sedition, the conviction can carry a life sentence.

Still, the students at JNU are committed to ensuring his release—not just for Kumar's sake but also to maintain the intellectual integrity of Indian university life. "Let's be clear: Things are not going to get easier, they're going to get more difficult," Menon said. "It's a long drawn out struggle, but we will fight and stay the cause."

Follow Daniel Oberhaus on Twitter.



I’m a Woman Killing It in Finance and I Spend My Money on Escorts

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Toronto's financial district. Photo by the author

I am a woman in her mid-40s, in a same-sex relationship, suffering the same problem as many couples out there: The sex part has died. Absolutely everything else is wonderful. I work on Bay Street in Toronto—I am an extremely well-known figure in what I would describe as a very professional career path. I decided last year to start looking into escort services, and I've grown to love my time as a female client.

It didn't start off great, however. It took about six months of researching the market before I settled on my first booking. For example, there are many SPs (service providers) that are tailored toward men or heterosexual couples, but it's hard to find those that specifically state that they will work with women, and who fit my preferences. I consider myself a very fussy person. I think everybody is to some degree, but I'm a very picky person. I prefer a mature woman who has been around, who knows how to behave, who is confident, and can carry themselves. Essentially, I'm not only looking for an intelligent woman but a classy, sophisticated woman who isn't going to stick out beside me.

For the first SP I saw, I booked a hotel room and waited two hours past our appointment time before she arrived. It turned out that she was unruly and inconsiderate—she barged in with a backpack on her shoulder, and the entire experience was over within 30 minutes. After she left, I realized she had taken an expensive bottle of wine that I had bought for the occasion, along with the takeout I had ordered. She asked for both—she didn't steal them from me—but it struck me as extremely tacky.

Growing up, I didn't have an opinion on sex work, and I really didn't care. I don't mean that in a derogatory manner, it just wasn't important to me. It's not until I met Lisbeth—the SP who gave me my first real experience, almost two months after the aforementioned encounter—that I realized just how amazing and compassionate these women can be. Everything about her impressed me: the way she spoke, the way she carried herself, her punctuality. It was all incredibly graceful. Suffice it to say, after that, I was hooked.

For me, the whole experience goes far past just sex. The meeting, the talking, the intelligent conversation, the way someone carries herself—that's all foreplay. To see somebody who's well put together and very confident, like I am, that's my high. I don't think many of the SPs have met a woman like myself, and because of that, I try to treat them in an amazing way. Like a princess. To me, it's very, very important to treat sex workers with respect and with dignity. I have given some of them gifts and surprises that they never imagined receiving. In a way, I know it's selfish: The whole process of wooing them over—even when I've already paid for the time—gives me an adrenaline rush.

Despite how much I love being a client, the question I find myself asking sometimes is how long I can keep this up for. I've never done this in my career or personal life, so it's somewhat new to me, but yes, I am a cheat. I am not in denial. Some people would say, "You're meeting an SP, so it's not cheating." I disagree—I am cheating. Obviously, that kind of preempts my personal needs, so I have to sort of look away and turn a blind eye. My partner doesn't know, my colleagues don't know. No one knows about this life but me and my SPs.

Outside of that, what concerns me is that these women have become my friends, which in a way is much more difficult than the escort part of it. These women are totally awesome, and I would love to stay friends with them. I mean, I've never just ended a friendship abruptly. That said, for them, I'm not sure if it would really matter at the end of the day. I understand that aspect is part of the job, but it would be hurtful for me.

I think that, in a way, ironically, I have become protective of these women. It's like I'm their savior. I want to make sure they're OK, because I have the utmost respect for these women. I would not be able to do this job, so I give such huge kudos to sex workers. Not only do they put themselves out there—physically and mentally—but this job in general is so taxing. These women have become a part of my life, and I care for them deeply.

*Names have been changed to protect the identities of those involved.

Follow Jake Kivanc on Twitter.

'The Witch' Is a Kick in the Balls of Patriarchy

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Arty horror darling The Witch is terrifying as fuck, but that's just one of many reasons it's caught on among film freaks. Robert Eggers's feature-length debut is a phantasmagoria that draws from historical records of New England's Puritan era, including the writings of clergymen Samuel Willard and Cotton Mather, as well as longstanding folklore about the supernatural. It's also an incredibly subversive movie that features a final girl who does whatever it takes to save herself, even if that means damnation.

The film follows the story of an intensely religious Puritan family with a couple of rather large crosses to bear, from dying crops to the mysterious disappearance of their newborn baby. Thomasin (Anya Taylor-Joy) is the family's oldest daughter, a workhorse just this side of puberty that makes her a threat to her mother Katherine (Kate Dickie from Game of Thrones) and a temptation for her brother Caleb (Harvey Scrimshaw). The claustrophobic farmhouse is bursting with secrets, but the mounting tension inside is nothing compared to what actually is lurking in the woods.

When everything goes to hell, Thomasin is the only one left standing. As many teenage girls do, she embraces everything she's been accused of, and you can hardly blame her. It's the sort of perverse ending that would have delighted Angela Carter, who famously reworked Charles Perrault's fairy tales into feminist parables where Little Red gets in bed with the Wolf and Bluebeard is thwarted by his new bride's wily, gun-toting mother.

The Witch's distributor, A24, has leaned into the overtly Satanic overtones of the movie by linking up with The Satanic Temple for performance events and screenings in NYC, Los Angeles, Austin, and Detroit. The Temple's national spokesperson herself, Jex Blackmore, referred to the film as "a transformative Satanic experience."

"I think part of what makes the film so horrific is that the things that the witch character is engaged with are so taboo and demonic. But those things come from our own folklore about women," Blackmore said over the phone. "We don't typically use the word witch any more, but we do use the word bitch!" Blackmore added with a laugh. "It's interesting because it's applied in the same way. It's applied to women who are freethinking and speak their minds. It's applied to women who fight for their own reproductive health rights, and it's often applied even to women who kind of excel in the work world."

The feminist appeal of The Witch is in step with the current New Age-y zeitgeist, at least symbolically. Although it stands to reason that most modern supernaturally inclined ladies, myself included, are more interested in futzing with tarot cards and crystals than kicking back with Old Scratch, our urges come from a very similar place—an exhaustion with the stifling status quo.

Alex Mar, author of Witches in America and director of American Mystic, concurred. "Modern-day American witches—or Pagan priestesses—have been reclaiming that word," she said, "changing its meaning, using the label of witch as a way to say, 'I'm not afraid of living on the fringe of society, I'm not afraid of being misunderstood, I don't need to be a part of the mainstream, I don't need to be the kind of woman who fits neatly into a feminine role.' A woman can be a priest. A woman can train in a 'mystery' tradition. A woman can see her sexuality as a source of power, not a political bargaining chip."

Ultimately, the movie's subversion is as sly as Satan himself; it's so visually and aurally overwhelming that, by the time the credits roll, you're left dazed and blinking. It's a fantasy of liberation, and one that has more in common with what's happening in Hollywood than you might think. Kier-La Janisse, a film writer and founder of the Miskatonic Institute of Horror Studies, described the ending as "a huge feminist kick in the balls, for sure."

"I think horror movies often reflect our political landscape, so it doesn't surprise me that we're seeing more witches while debates about feminism are overwhelming online discussions and the CDC is recommending that women abstain from alcohol unless they are on birth control." —Alison Nastasi

Janisse explained, "Over the last year we've seen a number of articles exposing the gender bias in Hollywood, programs instated in several countries to help address the gender imbalance when it comes to filmmaking resources, and a lot of films that take place in female space. On the mainstream side, you have a film like Suffragette, and on the odd side, you have things like The Witch. But both are coming from the same place and demanding conversation." Suffragette has been criticized for "whitewashing" the British suffragette movement, and for an ill-conceived photo shoot with the leads wearing shirts reading, "I'd rather be a rebel than a slave." Frankly, it's not a very good movie, but there's no denying that the strong female presence in front of and behind the camera is hopefully a taste of things to come. It's just that that conversation needs to be much more inclusive—something that the various strains of paganism and occult belief around the world have going for them.

Flavorwire writer Alison Nastasi, who contributed to Janisse's book Satanic Panic, sees modern witches "as any subculture or social movement—a way of empowering the outcast, including women, LGBT, and non-white people. Practitioners of witchcraft and the occult have the ability to take a sense of disillusionment and use it to create an intimate bond or community of empowered individuals. This results in a counterculture of self-reliance," she explained.

"I think horror movies often reflect our political landscape," she added, "so it doesn't surprise me that we're seeing more witches while debates about feminism are overwhelming online discussions and the CDC is recommending that women abstain from alcohol unless they are on birth control." After all, few things are scarier than a cabal of government cronies deciding the fate of our reproductive health and individual liberty.

Follow Jenni on Twitter.

The Witch is in theaters Friday, February 19.

The VICE Guide to Right Now: LSD Could One Day Be Used to Help People Confront Death

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These tabs have way more uses than getting off your face at a festival. Photo via Wikimedia

A medical historian in Canada recently stated that everyone's favorite hallucinogen, LSD, might make its way back to the medical scene—namely for use in palliative and geriatric care.

Erika Dyck, a medical historian who works as a professor at the University of Saskatchewan, looked into LSD trials in the 1950s and 60s for her paper recently published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal to figure out why there was initial interest in the drug. "To see where some of that renewed interest is, some of the questions are rather similar, and some have moved in different directions," Dyck told VICE.

One of those different directions is the use of the drug in palliative (medical care for those with serious illnesses) or geriatric (medical care for the elderly) settings. Though Aldous Huxley, a well-known British intellectual and psychedelic pioneer, took LSD on his deathbed, the use of the drug for those nearing the end of their lives is a relatively new idea in the medical field.

" studies—ayahuasca, peyote—we know that there have been elements of spirituality that confront death—that deal with death and mortality."

In 2014, a trial conducted with 12 cancer patients showed the efficacy of LSD relieving anxiety in those with life-threatening diseases. In that study, results showed both a decrease in anxiety (77.8 percent of participants) and an increase in quality of life (66.7 percent) for those who took the drug.

Dyck says that rather than LSD being a solution to an ailment, the drug could be used to help people manage what they might be going through mentally.

However, she says, acid's reputation as a festival drug long associated with hippie and party culture could be detrimental to its chances of being used in a legitimate medical setting.

"It may be interesting that the same generation that engaged in recreational use of LSD are now perhaps the patients demanding it in a more medical context," Dyck told VICE. "One of the biggest challenges to any so-called psychedelic renaissance will be encountering that reputation that it has culturally as a drug of abuse."

Follow Allison Elkin on Twitter.

Everything We Know About the Melbourne Teen Who Founded a Child Porn Empire

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Matthew Graham, who was known as "Lux" online.

For around three years a Melbourne student named Matthew Graham ran one of the deep web's most complex child porn networks. Known as the "PedoEmpire," the network encompassed several sites and forums, mainly catering to violent or extreme "hurtcore" content. One such site was aptly named Hurt 2 The Core, which required users to upload a video of their own before joining.

Given the nature of this case, it's understandable why County Judge Michael Tinney admitted yesterday in Court that he was "very much in uncharted waters." This was Graham's second hearing since he was arrested in 2014 and charged with 13 counts of child pornography.

There's something gravely intriguing about the case of Matthew Graham, who called himself "Lux" online. Indeed several journalists and internet do-gooders have been captivated by his empire for some time.

In 2014 US tech-journalist Patrick Howell O'Neill managed to speak with him via encrypted email, which resulted in this feature on how a pimply kid from Melbourne's suburbs became a monster. Ironically it began with Anonymous' much-lauded 2011 attempt to shut down child pornography for good.

#OpDarkNet was a call to arms for hactivists everywhere to target child porn sites and hosts with repeated denial-of-service attacks. The plan didn't work, but it did alert then 17-year-old Matthew to the existence of child porn. "At first I felt ashamed in myself for being attracted to such a thing," he explained to O'Neill via encrypted email. "It wasn't until I came across the Tor pedo community that I was able to truly feel comfortable with attractions."

At this time Graham was a VCE student at Epping Secondary College, living with his parents in South Morang. According to this investigation from Fairfax, Graham quickly tired of "soft" porn pertaining to be extreme. He wanted something darker, and responded by setting up his own sites, using an anonymous hosting service called Freedom Hosting. From 2012 onwards Matthew Graham took on a new life.

That year he began studying nanotechnology at La Trobe University where various reports quote his lecturers as saying he was nice but unremarkable. Meanwhile, outside of class, Graham's empire expanded. He began coordinating content with paedophiles from around the globe, including Melbourne man Peter Scully, who is currently on trial in the Philippines.

Interestingly Graham claims he never did anything wrong because he only curated videos and images from others, while never committing any violent acts of his own. Having said that, he indisputably encouraged sexual abuse from others. One anonymous user even emailed Patrick Howell O'Neill a list of how-to threads found on Hurt 2 The Core. With titles like "Producing kiddie porn for dummies" and "Need ideas for blackmailed girl," there's no doubt Graham was sanctioning misery.

For his part, Graham argues he was only ever advocating for free speech. As he told O'Neill in an email, "If anyone had ever done such a thing to any of the kids I know, I would put a bullet in their head. Given that, I still think that people who have interest in such things should have a place where they're able to voice their opinions and desires."

In 2013 the hidden hosting service behind PedoEmpire was shut down by the FBI. Graham responded by building his own hosting service, which is no small task given the amount of attacks launched against dark web paedophilia by Anonymous and the FBI. Yet once he was hosting his own stuff, PedoEmpire grew rapidly and others set up sites on his servers. The fact that he was able to maintain this service from his parents' home is remarkable.

Then in June 2014 Matthew Graham posted this PGP signed message: "As always, all empires eventually fall and today is the day that the falls. After years of running CP hidden services, today is the day that I walk away. There are personal issues which my close friends have been made aware of that have forced me to make this decision. I don't like long awkward farewells, so... Goodbye."

It had been speculated PedoEmpire was in trouble for a while as several users complained Graham had been unusually slow on replies. How much this had to do with his imminent arrest is unclear, other than to say that a collaborative investigation by the FBI, Europol, Canadian police, the AFP and Victoria Police's Taskforce Astraea finally apprehended Graham in late 2014.

Fairfax reported how gobsmacked his community was. All online references of Matthew Graham have been scrubbed from Epping Secondary College and La Trobe websites, while his parents sold the family house.

The new owners of the Graham home reported finding the words "parents should be afraid of raising children like us," scrawled over the inside of a bedroom wardrobe.

Graham's father and older sister appeared with him in court yesterday. He will be sentenced on March 17.

Follow Julian on Twitter.

Life Inside: I Married a Sex Offender

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Among other things, Gretchen's family must keep its distance from schools. Photo via Flickr user Kelly Hunter

Life Inside is an ongoing collaboration between The Marshall Project and VICE that offers first-person perspectives from those who live and work in the criminal justice system.

In 2001, about six months before Gretchen met her husband, David, he was charged with sexual assault. After a night of drinking, police found him and a friend drunk and half-dressed on the side of the road; she was passed out, and he fled when the cops arrived. Gretchen* says that David initially thought he would be getting a DUI. In fact, he was ultimately charged with "sexual penetration by foreign object/victim unconscious"—the "foreign object" being his hand*.

David did three years in a California prison, three more on parole, and he will spend the rest of his life on the sex-offender registry. Fourteen years after the incident, almost every aspect of the couple's life together has been shaped by that night, from where they can live to whether they should start a family.

Below, Gretchen discusses her marriage, her neighbors, and what the future might bring.

A couple months into our relationship, he told me what had happened. I was 18 at the time. He was 22. I was very young and obviously in a little bit of shock. I thought, There's no way you can go to jail for this. I mean, you guys were two stupid young kids. You're not a monster. You're not the crazy man in the park, the lurker. And I just thought that it would go away.

It never went away.

He didn't go to prison for about a year and a half after we met, when he finally just gave up and pleaded guilty because he said he didn't want to put everyone through the agony of what was going on—mostly myself and his mother. The entire time he was gone, I was finishing my college degree. I would go up to see him on the weekends here and there, but he wanted me to focus on school and told me he was going to be fine.

He still says to this day that prison was the easiest part. He says that now it's even harder because he doesn't know what to expect. It's the constant worry. We're so fearful every time we drive up to our house: Are the neighbors going to be picketing out front? Every time the doorbell rings, my heart drops. You live in this constant state of fear.

We've never made friends with any of our neighbors. We really just try and keep to ourselves. But cops still do home compliance checks where they come knock on our door to make sure he lives there. So we're fearful of that—that somebody might see the police show up at our door every single year and start to get suspicious about what is going on in our house.

To be harassed every time you come home, it's a little uneasy.

For the first three years he was home, his picture wasn't even on the website. You would actually have to go into the police department to find out anything about him. And then they said they had made a mistake. Then, all of a sudden, his name and photograph is on there. Then they said he can't live within 2,000 feet from a school. We had just bought a home and lived about 2,020 feet away from a school. Thank God we didn't have to move.

Every time we turned around, it was something new.

We really wanted to be parents. But the more the laws kept changing, and the more we saw how people on the registry were treated—which at this point, he has truly not had to experience, but he's just terrified of what could be—we just thought it's not the responsible thing to do, to bring a child in the midst of this. To have to explain to them, "Your dad can't pick you up from school, and you can't have friends over."

We went and bought a large map and placed it in my office and just said, You know what? We have four young nieces that all live within about ten miles of us. Our very close friends with kids, they are always spending time at our home. We're going to be the best aunt and uncle we can be, and we're just going to go travel the world. We started traveling everywhere we could. We've gone to the Caribbean, we've gone to Europe. We have a trip planned right now to Greece in August.

This new law finally put us both over the edge. When we first found out about them sending notifications to other countries, we figured out a way around it. We live near the Tijuana border, and I said, Let's try and fly out of there and see what happens. But of course, when we fly back to the US, he's essentially harassed at customs. There's nothing they can do, because he's not breaking the law, but they want to know how he got there and how he's been to all these places. There have been times where they've looked through all his stuff, torn everything apart, asked if he has computers, asked where he's been, asked who he's been with. To be harassed every time you come home, it's a little uneasy.

Now with what's coming, we kind of just feel like our backs are against the wall. Do we pick everything up and leave? We just don't know if that's the right thing to do. We have very close ties to our family here. I'm a business owner. We're financially pretty successful here. We just thought: Either we'll stay in California and just stick this out and hope maybe one day the laws will change. Or we'll leave the country altogether and be done with it.It's just a never-ending punishment.

*Gretchen says David and the young woman got intimate consensually, and police misread the situation when the woman opened the car door to throw up, then fell out and passed out. According to prosecutors, the young woman was passed out all along, and David perpetrated "a sexual attack on a totally vulnerable person."

Names have been changed.

How Digital Storage Is Changing the Way We Preserve History

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A few years ago, I started using a digital diary platform called Oh Life. I'd relied on a notebook to jot down daily reflections for years, but this was infinitely more elegant. It was more private than a notebook, less clunky, and the platform even let users upload entires by sending an email, which meant I could record my observations, frustrations, and memories without obviously writing in a diary.

But when I logged on recently, searching for something I'd written on Oh Life years ago, all of my entires had vanished. In fact, the whole site had been shut down, thousands of archives deleted, because they couldn't make Oh Life "financially stable." Years of my personal history were gone.

This kind of disappearance, while manageable on a personal scale, is to historians a warning sign of problems to come with recording and preserving our history in the digital age. Ancient hieroglyphics and scrolls have survived centuries, but digital storage is fragile, the files easily swept away or locked up in encryption. The technology we use to store things today might not be around tomorrow, and many of the platforms we use to store information are owned by private companies, which makes it harder for archival institutions to save them. And how much of what we upload online is worth saving at all?

The dizzying landscape of digital preservation is outlined in Abby Smith Rumsey's new book, When We Are No More: How Digital Memory Is Shaping Our Future. Rumsey, a historian by trade, worked for over a decade with the Library of Congress's National Digital Information Infrastructure and Preservation Program, where she tried to troubleshoot how to store digital materials in the long-term. She doesn't have all the answers, but her book offers a sweeping view of how societies have preserved massive amounts of information in the past and how our digital age might find solutions in the future.

VICE: Why talk about memory?
Abby Smith Rumsey: My own concern, as a historian, is that our generation be able to leave really robust records of what we've done, so that people in the future can investigate how we lived our lives as we experienced them. In the digital age, there's a lot circulating in the way of information, but none of it is kept very thoroughly. It's a spotty record. Technically, we don't know how to preserve it yet. Even more than that, what do we preserve? How do we know what's valuable?

Are these questions unique to the digital era?
Not entirely. Centuries ago, people also felt overwhelmed by too much information. They thought it was terrible to print in books, and even people like Thomas Jefferson thought the downfall of the world would be all these people reading novels and entertaining themselves. This was an issue that our parents railed against when television first became popular—they thought our brains were going to rot, and we'd no longer have the ability to concentrate on what's important. We'll always have more information than we know what to do with, but our skills and developing filters for sorting through what does and doesn't matter will grow faster. We're experiencing a digital vertigo that people will cease to experience 30 or 40 years from now, when our natural filters have become accustomed to filtering out a lot of what we think of as static now. And that's where we're lagging right now.

So we just have more stuff to sort through today?
Right, there's more stuff to go through. There's more of everything now than there was then . One of the things we tend to neglect is that—and this is unique to our age—it is not just human beings who will be reading and writing. It is machines now who do most of the reading for us. For example, when astronomers gather data from their instruments in space, they don't actually sit down and read that material. It's read by their machines. They tell the machines how to analyze what to look for, they program the machines, but machines are the only thing capable of reading at that scale. We can read our email, but when we actually want to search the entire archive of our email inbox over the course of our lives, we will use a machine, some algorithm of the machine, to do the searching for us.

"Without all the equipment to play it back, a hard drive would be meaningless to me, whereas you could take a book off the shelf at 500 years old and understand most of it." — Abby Smith Rumsey

Is there a concern that, in the future, machines won't know how to read these materials? Technology changes so rapidly that it seems the way we store information today will be totally obsolete in a few decades.
Yes, there are a couple challenges. One is that the materials themselves—digital code—requires machines to inscribe and play back. I could have a hard drive, and without all the equipment to play it back, it would be meaningless to me, whereas you could take a book off the shelf at 500 years old and understand most of it, if you can read the language. It's also very energy-dependent. If we're dependent on this technology, we need to secure reliable streams of electricity.

Another very real challenge, particularly for public institutions like libraries trying to preserve digital materials, is that a lot of the digital code is proprietary. It's owned by companies like Apple and Microsoft. It's actually not in the public domain. If I write my documents in Word, I own the content of the documents, but if Word goes away, there's not much I can do about it. It's owned by Microsoft. Libraries are having a really hard time with this. Copyright is one of the biggest problems in digital preservation and one which doesn't get discussed at all because it sounds arcane.

Right—an entire archive of digital materials can vanish if they're stored on a platform that disappears.
I have a friend who had a family member who died. They put together an online condolence book—it was a site where people could write remembrances and stuff like that. Several years later, when they wanted to look back on it, they found that the site had closed . This is going to happen to more things than we think. Many of the sites we use that are free, or that you rent space on, like a wedding site, they're private companies. You don't have ownership of it.

Is all of that stuff worth saving, though? I know the Library of Congress archives everyone's tweets. Do you think that's useful, or is that excessive?
We won't know the value of these things , and part of what's hard is that machines will make sense of the volume. I think it's brilliant on the part of the Library of Congress, and very brave on the part of Twitter, to save massive amounts of data without tying to figure out which part of it is important but just trying to save it in such a way that people in the future can find the right information and make sense of it. They're going to make it possible for people 20 years from now to figure out what was important about Twitter feeds during those years. Is every tweet really worth saving? All I can say, is we won't know for a while.

What about human memory? Is technology replacing the need for the human brain to remember things?
No, but it's sort of a complicated no. We are very dependent upon our phones, and I have to actually be near the phone in order to retrieve information. Things that, even 20 years ago, I would've memorized—somebody's telephone number, or my own telephone number—these things are now all stored external to me. But that was also true when I used to write things down. The temptation is always to try to save more information than we need to because we say to ourselves, "Oh, I might be able to use that one day." I mean, you should see my bookmarks! The number of things I bookmark because I think I'm going to go back someday and read them... It's just part of the endless human curiosity we have about the world.

We can store more on our machines than we could store on things like notebooks and in photographs before, and I view that as quite liberating. The more the mind can be freed of certain types of memory tasks, the freer the mind is to engage in other activities that machines cannot do for us.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Abby Smith Rumsey's latest book, When We Are No More: How Digital Memory Is Shaping Our Future, will be published on March 1, 2016.

Follow Arielle Pardes on Twitter.

Beautiful Photos of Palestine's Hidden Past and Uncertain Future

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The Palestinian village Wadi Fukin in the foreground. The Israeli settlement Beitar Illit in the background

British photographer James Morris's book, Time and Remains of Palestine, published by Kehrer Verlag and out this March, offers an unsettling look at the often almost invisible monuments of the Nakba: the rubble, ghost towns, and paved-over Palestinian settlements erased in the 1948 Palestine War.

Yet, in spite of the book's highly charged political subject, it is a beautiful, eerie, and markedly unobtrusive document of Palestine's past and the West Bank's precarious present. I had a chat with James about the work.

VICE: Firstly, how do you think of yourself, in terms of photography?
James Morris: Definitions are always difficult because they feel restrictive and are usually applied by other people. However, I suppose I am a photographer intrigued in all sorts of ways by the evidence of human interaction with, and presence in, the landscape—man's impact and the layers of history evident there. I follow threads linking place and people, past and present.

How does Time and Remains of Palestine fit into your photographic approach and past work?
It could be seen as a tangent because it deals particularly with conflict, which I haven't done so directly before. However, it feels like a logical extension of my practice. The Israel-Palestine conflict has been present for all of my life and shows no sign of diminishing, so is a constant in my mental landscape. This is what drew me to look at the actual landscape. What I found—starting on the first day, in fact—was something I hadn't considered or expected: the absence of architecture, a demolished landscape, and a veiled history. So by following this particular line of enquiry, as with all projects, there is both continuity and variation.

Central Market, Old City, Hebron

How do you describe this project? I always think it's interesting to ask, especially in a case like this where you're at times documenting an absence more than "a thing."
I think of the project as exploring a part of both what happened to Palestine in 1948 and where it finds itself now, through looking at this very particular "man-altered landscape." It follows a historical trajectory that links past and present, starting, in part one, by probing the now historic Palestinian presence in much of Israel, documenting the sites of some of the 400 or so villages and numerous towns that were depopulated and in most cases razed as a consequence of the 1948 war and later conflicts.

Part two reflects on the concept of a would-be future Palestine that resulted from the Oslo Peace Accords but has failed to materialize in any meaningful form. It documents the fabric of occupation and conflict in the labyrinthine West Bank, a land zoned into multiple and convoluted "areas," divided by walls and fences, checkpoints and road blocks, and reduced by settlements. Rather than addressing the conflict as a whole, it considers the diminishing of Palestine.

The book is split into two distinct parts. The first deals with Nakba, the "disaster" that is a huge part of the Palestinian identity and history. How did this part of the project start?
Part one originated from a walk in a pine forest at the very start of my first visit to Israel, when I stumbled on the unexplained remains of some seemingly ancient structures. A plaque erected in 2004 by the Jewish National Fund declared the place an "oasis," "a recreation area, a place of water, of hope, of peace, of vision." Later that day, I found a film online depicting a recent visit to the same location by Israeli Palestinians. Elderly men recalled that, as children, those remains had been their village. They had been made internal refugees by the 1948 war, during what they called their Nakba—their village flattened, their right of return refused, a planned forest of imported pines veiling their former world.

What was strikingly evident was the huge gulf between these two perceptions of one place. Though I knew of the concept of Nakba, finding myself in such a place and then coming to understand this history was a powerful introduction to its reality—though the term specifically relates to the defeat and substantial depopulation of Palestine in 1948, the notion of "disaster" or "catastrophe" is one that strongly echoes still.

Anata village

In terms of research, I presume lots was required, as these locations are hardly signposted. What was the process there?
As you say, the sites of destroyed villages are very rarely signposted, and many are entirely flattened or built over. Even international guidebooks aimed at foreign tourists, who might well find this history of interest, almost completely ignore it. After my first visit I started research, mainly looking at the work of the so-called New Israeli Historians who emerged in the 1980s and began to question the more comfortable and accepted histories that were being taught.

The most significant text was Benny Morris's 600-page The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, which exhaustively trawls Israeli military and state archives from the 1948 war. But also the work of Meron Benvenisti, Walid Khalidi, and numerous other sources. When back in Israel, I searched out the village sites using old maps and the internet; some were easy to find, but many had virtually disappeared. It was always an unsettling experience to come across the remains of a village, possibly a pile of stones amid a forest or a solitary minaret in the middle a modern Israeli suburb, knowing already something of its charged history and its continuing significance to the diaspora. Before I started to photograph a place, I would sit and read more of its history from the books I carried with me. The notes I made evolved into the extended captions that work as a brief history of the site of each photograph in the book.

Qisarya, district of Haifa

In part one, made up of these photos of the remains of settlements, some are in ruins, but to me the strangest examples are the parking lots or playgrounds, where the original settlement hasn't just been removed but emphatically built over. Which were the sites you found strangest to photograph?
Too many to say, really. The whole experience was intense, unsettling, and often deeply strange. There was a nervousness at not knowing how people would react to what I was doing, which in the end was largely unfounded because so few people seemed to register what it was I was looking at. Also, the weight of the knowledge that I was accumulating, an understanding of what had happened there and where the population had ended up. And then of course also knowing so much of the history of the European Jews who came to Israel hoping to find solace from their unimaginable horrors. Together, this made for a very charged atmosphere.

Kafr Bir'im is unsettling because so much of the village is still extant—you can walk through the lanes and look into collapsed and overgrown houses. In Imwas, there are picnic tables among the abandoned graves in the old cemetery, which at first sight does seem unbelievable. Ein Houd is now an artists' colony of pretty stone houses in one of the few un-demolished Palestinian villages. The atmosphere is outwardly bohemian, but one senses an odor of guilt.

Read on VICE News: In Photos—One Year in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

One notable thing in the book is the stillness and general absence of people. I assume that's intentional? Clearly, in part one, it adds to the feeling of desolation, but in part two, it continues to feel starkly empty.
As you observe, part one is concerned with an absence, and this is the atmosphere I wanted to project. But as a whole, the work is more concerned with historical developments than individuals. I wanted the landscape to reveal the stories, which I think it proved capable of. So apart from a few examples, the occasional figures who appear are not particularly recognizable as individuals—they are perhaps symbolic figures.

The lack of people in the book makes the observer feel invisible, too. During the project, how much did you interact with residents, Israelis, Palestinians, or authorities?
Actually not a lot—not in depth. I felt it was important to maintain some distance from those people affected by the politics on a daily basis to try to achieve some objectivity. I wanted it to be a very particular exploration of what I found, or was drawn to look for, and to avoid the effect of being embedded in either culture. So beyond everyday encounters with people in the street, it was quite a solitary experience. I was only once told to not photograph something, an old Palestinian building in Israel, but even then not with any real conviction.

Abu Zurayq, district of Haifa

How does looking at the current state of Palestinian life in part two contrast with, or inform, part one?
In portraying the West Bank, I am looking at the place that should be a future Palestine, according to the Oslo Accords, but which has failed to materialize in any meaningful form; it remains a virtual state under Israeli dominance. Each part could work as a piece in its own right; they are separated both in time and location. The intent is that they work like book ends of the period of time since the foundation of Israel, encapsulating something of the story of Palestine. Comprehending the history evident in part one helps understand how the landscape of the contemporary West Bank has evolved. It is perhaps like two small pieces in a complex puzzle, joined in the need to see more of the picture.

There are photos—of Beitar Illit, for example—where there's a sense of encroachment by new Israeli settlements on existing Palestinian ones. Is there a feeling of history repeating itself in these places?
I think that rather than repeating itself, it is perhaps a continuation in an evolved form. When I arrived in Israel for the first time, I was handed a "Touring Map of Israel" at the airport information desk. This officially-sanctioned image of Israel encompasses, without mentioning its name, the whole West Bank to the River Jordan, but makes no reference to Palestinian territories, using instead the terms Judea and Samaria. It doesn't mark the separation barrier or the 1949 green line, and it gives only slight mention to the five major Palestinian cities beyond Jerusalem, and none to the smaller towns. By comparison, even tiny Israeli settlements are recorded. It was explained as: "This is all Israel, you can go anywhere." I don't think it would be controversial to assume that many in Israel are attracted to this concept of a Greater Israel and would probably not be saddened if there were many fewer Palestinians in it. Settlement expansion can certainly give the impression of an ongoing encroachment into the viability of a Palestinian state, but whether there is a clearly defined goal I don't know.

The subject of the book itself seems to point to a political direction on your behalf, but do you see it as a political book?
I don't see the book as any kind of activist text, though the subject is of course political. Yes, the work is concerned almost entirely with the Palestinian story and does not attempt some notional sense of "balance" by exploring a parallel Israeli history. And that could be construed as political—but it's not a label that feels appropriate. It's interesting to note that the historian Benny Morris, whose work I most relied on, has more recently said that, in 1948, Israel did not go far enough and should have expelled many more Palestinians. So to reflect on this history does not need to imply a particular bias. Its intent is to express what has taken place, to encourage the viewer to look and think. In recognizing it is only pieces in a complex picture, it doesn't have the certainty of a political book. More importantly, I think, are the words of Raja Shehadeh in the book's introduction: "Without people acknowledging, truly seeing, the Nakba, there can be no peace in this region."

It is necessary, especially in conflict, that both history and the present are endlessly re-explored. My hope is that those who pick up this book will be more than capable of forming their own opinions.

See more of James's work at his website.



What Does Poland Think of This Offensive Polish Magazine Cover About 'Islam Raping Europe'?

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The cover of right-wing magazine 'wSieci.' The text reads "The Islamic Rape of Europe."

This week, the popular right-wing Polish magazine wSieci ran a cover that has offended a lot of people. Reason being: It features an image of a woman being grabbed at by numerous hairy arms, and the words: "The Islamic Rape of Europe."

The photograph—which, minus the hands, looks a lot like a stock image for "woman who's just remembered she left the iron on"—is a comment on the sexual attacks on German women in Cologne that took place on New Year's Eve. There were 58 counts of sexual assault that night, and even though only three arrested suspects were recent refugees, the subsequent message from Europe's right-wing media was clear: Refugees are a threat to the safety of women in the EU.

Since the migrant crisis began, Poland has stuck to a very strict line on immigration. Most recently, at the EU summit currently taking place in Brussels, Poland—along with the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary—has called for Europe's borders to be sealed off in order to block the main route used by refugees.

Considering the uproar over the cover so far seems to have come mostly from outside of Poland, and because I don't speak Polish and therefore cannot gauge the reaction on Twitter, I decided to give our friend and VICE Poland editor Maciek Piasecki a call to see what his fellow countrymen think of the cover.

VICE: What was your initial reaction to the cover?
Maciek Piasecki: I'm becoming increasingly desensitized to this kind of cover because the right-wing media does this kind of thing all the time. It portrays people it doesn't like with a gun to their face.

Is the majority of Polish media right wing?
Yeah, I think so. Some of the more eccentric left-wing magazines have been closing down in recent years. There has been an increase in magazines like wSieci—they call themselves "rebellious magazines." They came about during the time of the centralist-neoliberal government in Poland and were openly against the government, but right now, they are really pro-government because the government is now conservative.

Friends of the ruling party, for example, own the Polish Journal, so it's a bit like the Hungarian situation, where friends of the party in power also own the media. But these magazines still call themselves "rebellious," even though they're basically party media.

Do you think the message on the cover is something that resonates with more of the Polish population than not?
There aren't many Syrian refugees here in Poland—people get their information from these kinds of magazines or really biased social media pages. The topic of Islamic refugees attacking European women has been the source of this discourse for the past few months, especially after Cologne. The cover story is definitely playing on this sentiment. Also, it's not exclusively about attacks on women; it's also about what the EU is covering up, pretending it's uncovering some conspiracy theories.

What do you think about the cover aesthetically?
I think we should have more art classes in Poland.

Does Poland have an issue with the EU in general? Or just immigration?
The ruling party is not eurosceptic; it has never openly opposed the EU. The lives of many Poles have improved through being in the EU. But the immigration quota is something that is definitely a concern of Poland. I don't think many people want to stop in Poland anyway, and it's the Poles who want to leave Poland. Everyone is trying to run away. Poles are really happy to emigrate, but they clearly don't see that people would like to come here too.

Do you think the cover will have much of an impact in Poland?
I don't think so; I think it's just part of the rhetoric. On the whole, it is quite dangerous, as I think Polish people are coming to think that it's normal to publish such things, which is worrying.

Has there been much of a backlash against it? Are people offended?
People are offended, but only those aware of the racial issues, not the majority of the public. I don't think the editor of the magazine would say the publication was racist; it's just under the skin. The old EU countries are definitely more politically correct. In Poland, you don't get people with different shades of skin—everyone is pretty ethnically uniform. There aren't many in Poland who could be hurt by the image because they don't see these perpetrators as part of their community—that's the issue.

Follow Amelia Dimoldenberg on Twitter.

The Slow Process of Admitting to Myself That 'Family Guy' Is Bad

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Screengrab via YouTube

This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

There's been an unspoken routine in my flat, and it's not something we're proud of. At around 11:30, me and my two flatmates find ourselves slumped on the sofa, the debris of dinner and another working day strewn around us, more often than not, with a freshly clicked tinnie in our hands. The television, tuned to BBC Three, would be burning bright. Burning bright with the colours of Family Guy. I know I'm not alone. Across the nation, adults, real grown-up adults with jobs and mobile phone contracts and long-term boyfriends and girlfriends, have been secretly indulging in animated rape jokes and flatulence. Your shamed faces illuminated by LED screens, too tired to leave your seat, not sleepy enough to close your eyes. Brian and Stewie are doing a song, look! I can't go to bed yet.

When we were young, we'd run in from the garden, gobble down fishfingers, and sit wide-eyed and cross-legged in front of The Simpsons. Now we drag our dreary limbs off a train, are lucky to have microwaved some leftovers by 9PM, briefly consider opening the scary-looking post from the Inland Revenue that arrived that morning, phone our mums, reply to some more emails, switch the heating on and fall lovelessly into the arms of Peter Griffin. Giggidy, giggidy, goo.

Only, there's hope. A break in the chain. This week BBC Three left television and became an online-only service, and it did not take Family Guy with it. It will return to UK television on the 29th February on ITV2, but in its brief absence, let's take a moment to reflect on exactly why we keep going back.

Why is Family Guy popular? I have watched a lot of episodes by now and I'm pretty sure the reason isn't "because it's funny". I've never really laughed at an episode. If I do make a noise, it's this sort of disappointed pity-groan. As if my laugh is questioning its own existence as it is leaving my mouth. I imagine it's the noise I will make if I ever change a nappy: "There's loads of shit and piss, which is sort of funny in that it's eventful, but more than anything it smells terrible and I don't want to look at it any more."

I think its watchability is down to three things:

1. Pace.

2. Recognition.

3. Bright colours.

Firstly, pace. When you compare Family Guy to the average British sitcom in 2016, you can begin to see where some of its appeal might lie. In the post-Peep Show quagmire (sorry), British comedy has become stuck in a cycle of staid silences and prolonged awkward looks. The humour is always based around mates, or mums, or dads, saying the wrong thing at the wrong time. Those long uncomfortable spaces in slow-moving 30-minute episodes give you plenty of time to consider just how unfunny what you're watching is. To its credit, when Family Guy is making shitty jokes, it's making a lot of them. Family Guy contains, on average, 5.20 jokes a minute. With that gag-rate, none of them hang around for long enough for you to consider just how unfunny they were. And when that doesn't work, they go the other way and drag a joke out for so long you feel you have to laugh just to make it stop. See Peter's fight with a chicken, or anytime someone falls over. It's the comedic equivalent of taking somebody hostage until they agree to hang out with you.

Secondly, recognition. There are loads of references to famous people in Family Guy. Like Julia Roberts, and Sting, and Ben Stiller, and Daft Punk, and Bill Clinton, and Barbra Streisand, and all of Star Wars, and the Count from Sesame Street, and Jennifer Love Hewitt, and Hitler, and Spiderman, and Bill Cosby, and the Romans, and Sean Connery, and Indian people, and Kermit the Frog, and Jesus Christ, and seagulls, and Lindsay Lohan. And because you know what all of those things are, seeing them in a cartoon is hilarious.

Thirdly, Family Guy contains many bright colours.

READ on Noisey: Ten Shit Hot Albums By Artists Who Only Made One

But the sense of humour that drives the show is toxic. Once me and my flatmates admitted we had a problem, we started to keep a tally. We counted how many successive episodes we could watch before we found one that didn't involve an act of violence against a woman. We managed 14. That's 14 episodes of Family Guy before a 20-minute episode that didn't feature Meg, Lois, or another female character being knocked to the ground, murdered or slapped.

There is no minority character in Family Guy whose background isn't referenced constantly and negatively. Whether it's anti-semitic jibes at Mort Goldman's money-grabbing, Loretta Brown's sassy black woman act (voiced by the very white Alex Brookstein), or every time a Native American with a mystical past and a gambling problem shows up, no subject is off-limits, and it relishes in that. There's a lot of "offensive" television out there, yet Family Guy's endless desire to make blind and dumb jokes about the vulnerable and underrepresented goes way beyond the realms of boundary-pushing and starts to look more like a weird predilection on the part of the writers. A strange urge to be hurtful just to make sure the mic is still on. The guy in the back of the class who realised everyone turned around when he swore at the teacher. Yet it's 2016. Porn exists. Channel 4 have screened documentaries about blokes with giant ballsacks. "Going there," is no longer impressive. Family Guy is the ultimate confused offspring of the idea that nobody has a right to be offended. Surely, equally, nobody has a duty offend.

There's over a week before it starts again on ITV2. I'm not saying we should all fill that gap with neo-realist Italian cinema, but maybe it's time for me to tune out in front of something with fewer gags about how bad Asian women are at driving or musical numbers about AIDs diagnoses. This is it. No looking back. Family Guy, it's time we broke up.

@a_n_g_u_s

More TV from VICE:

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This New Spy Drama is TV's Attempt at a Slow-Burn Bourne

Mike Baird Could Learn a Lot About Failed Lockouts From Melbourne

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Locked out of a club in Newtown. Image by Hal Mazzitello.

This weekend more than 10,000 people are expected to show for Keep Sydney Open—a protest against the city's controversial lockout laws. Presented as a policy against alcohol-fuelled violence, the lockout for many Sydneysiders has come to only represent the influence of casinos, which are exempt from the laws. For those watching on in Melbourne, lockouts laws are a dodged bullet.

Melbourne actually experimented with lockout laws back in 2008, when the Brumby Government trialled a curfew for three months. They offered a taste of what our northern neighbours have lived with since 2014, but were ultimately shelved by red-faced Victorian politicians. The question is, why was such policy copy-pasted onto Sydney six years after it was shown to be so ineffective and unpopular in Melbourne?

For those who don't remember, Melbourne's trial was also an attempt to tackle a rise in alcohol-fuelled violence, with 2 AM lockouts from venues around the CBD and inner-city suburbs such as Carlton, Fitzroy, and St Kilda. Revellers rocking up to a pub or club after 2 AM were sent away, while smokers weren't allowed outside for their customary dance-break dart if they wanted to stay at the venue.

This will sound familiar to smokers in Sydney. At club Spice, the line for the front is reportedly longer than the one for the bathroom, as people lean out one-by-one to enjoy a cigarette. Over in the now-defunct Good God Small Club, locked in partiers were known to resort to just smoking on the dance floor.

Back in Melbourne, early results from the new laws were troubling: The first weekend of the lockout was actually punctuated by a rise in violence. As former Brumby policy advisor Nicholas Reece later wrote: "When tens of thousands of people—of different social milieu, gender and states of intoxication—surge onto the street around the time of the lockout, it creates a violent flashpoint."

Archive photo from Melbourne's lockout. Image via

Pushback against the Melbourne laws was swift. Just as the cries of inequality and even corruption have raged in Sydney over the exception of the city's most violent venue, Star Casino, so too did they in Melbourne over the conspicuous exception of Crown. Bolstered by the Melbourne Locked Out Facebook page (at 28,000 likes, it was big for back then), a disgruntled group of 10,000 took to the streets—just as Sydney is planning to do this Sunday.

By September, a government-commissioned KPMG report on the lockout had found that alcohol-related violence had actually gone up. Alcohol-related presentations in hospitals also went up, as did ambulance transportations between 8 PM and midnight. The number of total reported assaults between midnight and 2 AM went up in each of the four locked-out areas, and by as much as 73 percent in the City of Yarra (which includes Fitzroy, Abbotsford, and Carlton).

As the biggest financial victims, Melbourne hospitality and music industry players also put the pressure on a floundering Brumby. A statement from Augusto Braidotti, general manager of the Cookie Group called the lockout a "dangerous social experiment." Of course with the Cookie Group owning Revolver Upstairs, a Melbourne establishment often not worth entering until well after 2 AM, Braidotti certainly had a lot to lose.

"It punishes fun loving Melbournians and tourists into a 70s-style lifestyle and it will make Responsible Serving of Alcohol very hard to monitor as punters will be locked into the one venue all night long," he said. "This lockout will fuel the already dangerous drug business and create an illegal venues market run by cashed up drug barons.

"It will mean more kids drinking in parks, private homes, on the street, where there are no licensed crowd controllers to look after them."

Amid the fallout, Premier Brumby buckled to public dissatisfaction and overwhelming evidence they lockout wasn't working, killing the laws off: "We've decided as government we will not be continuing with a permanent lockout," he said. Brumby blamed the poor results on the 46 nightclubs that had successfully appealed the lockout via VCAT, thus muddying the figures, but the results were in and lockouts were out.

Fast forward seven years and Sydney's youth are either taking $70 cabs to warehouse parties or taking their drugs before the sun goes down. Meanwhile the Andrews Government has announced ambitions to transform Melbourne into a 24-hour city while it gears up for its fourth White Night—otherwise known as the annual party where the state government encourages everyone to stay up all night.

Of course, it's important to note that Melbourne's lockouts never made it past the trial phrase, whereas Sydney's are enshrined in law and proving to be much harder to dismantle. Abandoned by the Brumby Government, the Melbourne lockout now serves as little more than a warning to future policy makers—a warning few seem to be taking heed of.

The VICE Guide to Right Now: 'To Kill a Mockingbird' Author Harper Lee Dies at 89

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Harper Lee. Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images. Courtesy of Harper Collins

This article originally appeared on VICE US.

Local Alabama site AL.com reports that To Kill a Mockingbird author Nelle Harper Lee has died in her hometown of Monroeville, AL on Friday morning. She was 89 years old.

Lee's To Kill a Mockingbird, released in 1960, had long been her only published novel. But the story of Jean Louise Finch's childhood in Maycomb, AL and her father Atticus's heroic court battle against racism stands as a hallmark in American literature. Her opus won the Pulitzer Prize for Fiction in 1961, and it remains one of the most widely taught and referenced books in the US today.

Lee had lived a fiercely private life since the book's publication, almost never granting interviews or meeting with reporters – she even turned down an interview offer from Oprah. She recently made headlines when Go Set a Watchman, billed as a sequel but is more accurately an earlier draft of To Kill a Mockingbird, hit bookstores last July, raising many questions across the literary world. In the novel, Finch, the highly moral figure in Mockingbird, is instead written as a racist. Combined with the surprising timing of the book – after the death of her sister, Alice, who had been the diligent protector of her work and legacy – many wondered if the decision to publish Watchman was made without Lee's approval.

Queer Shamans Are Cursing the Property Developers Killing London's Gay Saunas

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This article originally appeared on VICE UK.

The green-cloaked shaman lifts his hands to the sky. To his left, one of his acolytes cradles the bowl containing the magic potion. The magic potion, it turns out, is a mixture of glitter and human semen.

"Queer ancestors come forth," cries the shaman, "Stand strong beside us. Banish this evil from time and space." The acolyte hurls the jizz-potion to the ground, and the assembled crowd erupts into furious drumming and chanting.

Don't worry, you haven't stumbled onto a piece of Game of Thrones fan fiction gone horribly wrong. In fact, I'm in a car-park in Shoreditch, outside Chariots Roman Spa, which for two decades has been east London's most notorious and best-loved gay sauna. At the start of the month it was announced that Chariots would be knocked down and turned into a luxury hotel, and the radical queer faeries are pissed off.

"It's an ancient Romany curse," one of them says excitedly. "We're cursing the descendants of these property developers to be queer for 13 generations – only for us to be queer is a blessing—so this is really just a blessing on this space, to make it sacred." As he's talking, the glitter-jizz mixture congeals into a slightly toxic looking sludge on the car-park floor.

It's becoming clear that London's queer spaces, like so much else that's vaguely fun and transgressive in the city, are under attack. We've watched the names of closing pubs and bars stack up: The Joiner's Arms; The George & Dragon; The Mother Black Cap; The Nelson's Head – Chariots is the latest casualty.

The LGBT activists, drag queens, and queer shamans who have gathered for this protest situate this loss within the wider context of London's relentless, steroidal regeneration. "It's another example of stupidly inflated rents forcing out a queer venue. But it's not just the LGBT community—it's people on low income, artists, anyone who doesn't fit that particular mould," says Jamie from Act Up, an HIV/AIDS charity with US and UK branches. John, another activist, puts it more bluntly: "It's the bland following the bland imposed by the rich."

It should be noted, though, that in recent years Chariots, and sauna culture in general, has received fairly extensive derision from within the gay community itself. Saunas are frequently looked down on as sleazy, grotty, and potentially unsafe embarrassments from a time when gay men were forced to live in the shadows. Why do we need saunas, ask a series of snippy op-eds, when we now have apps like Grindr and Scruff?

Activist Dan Glass, also of Act Up, offers a countering argument. "Grindr is great—but it's mainly great for white, financially secure men. Places like Chariots, for all their faults, offer a sanctuary for people who may not feel safe expressing their sexuality – people who are poor, people from certain ethnic communities—even middle-class men who may not have come out to their families."

Jamie, a Chariots devotee who came down to say goodbye to the venue, echoes this. "I always found it a lot more accepting than most clubs and bars. For a start, you simply saw older gay men—even up to about the age of 80. What other spaces are there for older guys in London? I'm pretty sure there are guys for whom there is no other space where they could just hang out with other men who have sex with men."

Glass also takes on the sexual health implications. "Chariots provides on-the-spot HIV checks. Yes, some people act recklessly, but the alternative to a space like this is folk using apps to organise their own chem sex parties, with no safety whatsoever. What we are seeing is the destruction of all the infrastructure and spaces where these issues can be tackled, and people educated as a community."

Eventually, one of the guys who actually manages Chariots comes out to talk to the gathering—partly to gently ask them to wrap it up soon, as all the drumming was scaring away potential customers. He also says that their landlords had actually let them stay on longer than they strictly needed to, and that the sauna would try and find a new home. "Shoreditch has been changing for 10 years," he says. "We should have been protesting years ago when they started throwing artists out of their studios".

And maybe that is the point. Chariots going down isn't just a loss for the gay community. I'm straight. I'd never been to Chariots before tonight. But all my friends spoke about this place with such a mixture of joy, humour, devotion and occasional disgust that it always felt like part of my London. It was nice to sit on the 67 bus, knowing that 100 metres away people were having wild and anonymous sex, exploring their own boundaries and figuring out who they were. Like the ozone layer, or the continued existence of Paul McCartney, it was one of those things that has no obvious impact on your day-to-day life, but was comforting to know existed.

And crucially, the rent hikes and gentrifying forces that have swept the artists out of their studios, and are now destroying Chariots, are accelerating. The battles over preserving east London's Norton Folgate Monmouth House building – approved to be turned into office space by London mayor Boris Johnson earlier this month, against Islington council's wishes – and the Bishopsgate Goods Yard continue. The loss of alternative, wild transgressive spaces is a loss for all of London.

"It's the destruction of another of the messy, dirty, human spaces we have, in favour of bright new, luxury spaces for those who can afford them," Jamie, the Chariots veteran, says with a sigh, as the protest winds down. As if in direct opposition to this thought, a drag queen in a nun's habit shouts from behind us: "Right then, anyone for cock?"


(Photo: the writer)

By now the older shamans have all drifted off. The fabulously sequined younger activists all look at each other. "Shall we go in for a sauna, then?" one asks.

"Nah, "they decide, "let's go to the Glory." And they all pile into a car and head off to the trendy new gay bar in another part of east London.

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